COUNSTER introduces a novel triadic framework to investigate government strategies for combatting radicalization, insurgency, and terrorism by focusing on the role non-state armed actors’ (NSAAs) constituents play in conflict processes.
While the existing literature extensively addresses the military aspects of conflict, how governments strategically engage with NSAAs’ constituents to sever the ties between the two — a strategy this project terms counstering — has been widely neglected despite its prevalence. COUNSTER addresses this gap by arguing that we should turn our focus toward modeling the causes and outcomes of counstering efforts, given that military power is neither the only, nor the most effective, tool in governments’ arsenal.
“The ultimate victory will depend on the hearts and minds of the people who actually live out there.” — Lyndon B. Johnson, 1965
For the third time, in 2024, the Turkish government declared its intention to re-initiate a peace process covering the rights and status of Kurdish citizens, in response to a conflict that has raged for over forty years and claimed more than 40,000 lives. Third time is the charm, some say. But as scholars, it is our burden to understand what would make it a charm — and why the previous two attempts failed.
Türkiye’s four-decade conflict with the PKK, Iraq’s post-invasion counterinsurgency, and dozens of other cases show that military measures alone rarely resolve root causes — they often generate new grievances instead. COUNSTER therefore asks: why, how, and under what circumstances do governments fight non-state armed actors (NSAAs) by targeting the constituents those actors claim to represent — and why do some of these counstering strategies succeed while others fail?
The first generation of conflict studies (counterterrorism) overemphasised dyadic government–NSAA relations. The second generation (counterinsurgency) brought citizens into the picture, but focused on military-centric, offensive strategies that are repeatedly shown to be counterproductive. COUNSTER proposes a third approach: putting the constituency — the audience whose support both governments and NSAAs compete for — at the centre of the analysis.
Choosing between counterterrorism, counterinsurgency, and constituency-centred strategies — attractive or repressive — to end armed challenges.
Insurgent and terrorist organisations whose survival depends on funding, recruits, and legitimacy provided by their support base.
The communities NSAAs claim to represent — the pivotal audience for whose allegiance both sides compete.
Which constituencies and NSAAs are targeted with attractive versus repressive tactics, and how do institutional constraints, conflict duration, and threat perception shape governments’ choices? Tested through large-N comparative analysis.
At the macro level, which features of counstering — institutionalisation, duration, schedule, whether attractive and repressive measures are combined — make strategies more or less effective at shaping conflict outcomes?
At the micro level, how do NSAAs’ constituents actually perceive and react to government strategies — and does that reaction differ from what governments intended? Tested via conjoint experiments across four countries.
Three work packages run in parallel across the five-year grant, each feeding a different objective and cross-validating the others.
The first open-access, comprehensive and dynamic dataset on Government–Constituency Relations. Combining manual coding of 9,000+ events with machine learning and computational social science tools, GovConReD covers attractive and repressive counstering measures from 1980 to 2030 across 120 countries, 130+ constituencies, and around 350 non-state armed actors.
Qualitative fieldwork — elite interviews and focus groups — in Türkiye, Colombia, India, and the Philippines, followed by two rounds of online conjoint experiments testing how constituents perceive and react to attractive and repressive government strategies.
A methodological innovation: a pool of conflict scholars selected for their field experience and local knowledge in the four case contexts provides expert assessments that triangulate the macro- and micro-level findings, overcoming media bias and data limitations in conflict zones.
Upon release, GovConReD will be freely available to scholars and practitioners, enabling comparative, empirical research on strategies against radicalisation, insurgency, and terrorism.
More on the Data pageThese countries host 21 conflicts that have claimed more than 200,000 lives — 10% of all conflict-related casualties worldwide.
Transforms the study of conflict from a dyadic to a triadic framework (Government–NSAA–Constituency), challenging the “one-fits-all” approach and relaxing the unitary-audience assumption.
Combines large-N observational data at the macro level with focus groups and conjoint experiments in four countries to examine how constituencies actually react to counstering strategies.
Helps NGOs, international organisations, and governments design measures against radicalisation, insurgency, and terrorism — contributing to the goals of the EU Strategic Compass for Security and Defence 2030.
Triangulates macro-level observational and micro-level experimental data with expert opinion surveys, addressing data limitations and biases common in conflict-zone research.